KRAFFT EBING PSYCHOPATHIA SEXUALIS PDF

adminComment(0)

Psychopathia Sexualis is a forensic reference book for psychiatrists, physicians, and judges. Written in an academic style, its introduction noted. Psychopathia Sexualis WITH ESPECIAL BKTEUNCI TO TH Antipathic Sexual . Krafft-Ebing will be received with favour by those for whom the book is written. PDF | Richard Krafft-Ebing's Psychopathia Sexualis, written in the second half of the 19th century, can be considered part of the historical and.


Krafft Ebing Psychopathia Sexualis Pdf

Author:REGINALD MARRARA
Language:English, French, Hindi
Country:Chad
Genre:Environment
Pages:621
Published (Last):24.12.2015
ISBN:356-5-28807-476-9
ePub File Size:29.46 MB
PDF File Size:8.82 MB
Distribution:Free* [*Sign up for free]
Downloads:48227
Uploaded by: ALFRED

Psychopathia sexualis by Richard von Krafft-Ebing; 36 editions; First published in ; Subjects: Paraphilias, Accessible book, Case studies. Free site book and epub digitized and proofread by Project Gutenberg. Psychopathia sexualis, which Krafft-Ebing wrote, in the first instance, for lawyers 7 Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia sexualis: Eine klinisch-forensische.

The majority of young people would eventually manifest a heterosexual, and only a minority of them a homosexual or bisexual desire. Apart from a basic congenital predisposition, the triggers of perversion, Moll argued, could be found in factors that obstructed the transformation of perverse infantile inclinations into normal heterosexuality at the time of puberty.

He questioned the causal role of congenital degeneration as well as the idea that perversion was merely acquired by psychological association or seduction.

In this way, Moll stressed that human sexuality was fundamentally different from and much more complicated than that of animals: the development of culture had interfered with and inhibited the natural instincts of man. Voluptuousness was the primal goal of human sexuality, Moll claimed, and this, together with the love impulse, distinguished man from animals.

Since he tended to value the affective longing for physical and psychological union with a partner as a purpose in itself, the exclusive reproductive norm became problematic. Stressing that both love without sexuality and sexual pleasure without love were incomplete, Krafft-Ebing — arguing within the context of the ideal of romantic love — began to replace negative attitudes towards sexuality by a positive evaluation.

By the end of his life Krafft-Ebing was inclined to think that homosexuality was the equivalent of heterosexuality and therefore not a psychoneuropathic degenerative illness. Many homosexuals who had expressed themselves in his case histories had made clear that partnership was as important to them as sexual gratification. Other perversions, such as fetishism, masochism and sadism, however, could in themselves hardly be geared towards romantic love as this ideal was based on intimacy, equality, reciprocity and psychic communication.

In the context of romantic love, sexuality went hand-in-hand with privacy, as opposed to sex in public, and also with a psychological understanding of the self. The Psychological Understanding of Sexuality The modern meaning of sexuality came to the fore when the dominant physiological approach was superseded by a more psychological one.

Psychopathia Sexualis

As far as the term was applied to human life, it was viewed in relation to the fact that an individual belonged to the male or female sex. Sex difference was explained in relation to the body: the decisive benchmarks for the evaluation of sex and gender were the genitals, secondary sexual characteristics, and functional potency with a normally constituted member of the opposite sex. Physicians generally tried to integrate their explanations of sexual perversion in current biomedical thinking and many of them, following Darwinism and research into embryological development, emphasised heredity, in a phylogenetic as well as in an ontogenetic sense, and degeneration as key causal factors.

Late nineteenth-century psychiatric explanations of perversion began to shift from a biomedical perspective stressing physical features, to one that placed more weight on the psychological aspects of the sexual instinct.

Before Freud, psychiatrists had already begun to turn the discussion away from explaining sexuality as a series of interrelated physiological events to a more psychological understanding. In their view, perversion was not so much rooted in physical, as in so-called functional disorders. In this new psychiatric style of reasoning, perversions were disorders of an instinct that could not be precisely located in the body.

However, their perspective on the whole cannot be characterised as biological. On the one hand, in their general explanation, they both located the sexual drive in the nervous system and the brain and understood the underlying causes of perversion as heredity. But on the other hand, in daily clinical practice, these causes were not very relevant for their approach to perversion.

Their case studies centred not so much on bodily characteristics as on personal history, subjective experience, and inner feelings: perception, emotional life, dreams, imagination and fantasies. For the greater part they had to judge from what perverts were telling them.

This was the reason why auto- biographical accounts gained such an importance in their work. Around , when Krafft-Ebing introduced fetishism, sadism and masochism in his Psychopathia sexualis and his Neue Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Psychopathia sexualis [New Research into Psychopathia Sexualis], his explanatory focus clearly shifted from a physiological to a more psychological understanding — not so much were bodily characteristics or actual behaviour decisive in the diagnosis of perversion, but inner feelings and personal history.

Consequently, he located the seat of sexual desire in the personality. It was the psychological attitude behind outward appearance and behaviour that counted as the defining criterion of contrary sexual feeling, sadism, masochism and fetishism.

As Krafft-Ebing explained, certain mental stimuli, such as fantasies, prevented the spontaneous physiological process that supposedly characterised normal sexuality from taking its course. Later, however, he also drew attention to the decisive role of the mind in the development of sexuality in general. He considered normal sexual functioning as more than just the physical ability to have intercourse.

Likewise, the satisfaction of the sexual urge was not only made up of physical release but also of emotional fulfilment. Thus, he argued, it was a mistake to look for the causes of homosexuality in the nervous system or the functioning of the sexual organs. More important was the effect of the mind, including imagination, fantasy and dreams, on the sexual organs.

As far as perversions such as homosexuality were treatable at all — both he and Krafft-Ebing were rather sceptical about this — they considered somatic therapies to be useless and advocated psychological methods, such as suggestion and hypnosis, which were directed at the imaginative faculty of patients.

It pointed to both internal and external phenomena. The physical dimension of sexuality affected the mind, and its psychological dimension affected the body.

This very interaction, the interplay between the body and the inner self, might explain why sexuality has become such a meaningful and sensitive experience in modern Western culture, giving cause to an array of emotional problems such as endless self-scrutiny, fears of being abnormal, anxieties about erotic attractiveness and sexual achievement, conflicts between private desires and social roles, and between sexual fantasies and the realities of everyday life.

The autobiographical case histories published by Krafft-Ebing and Moll had already demonstrated that sexuality had become the subject of endless self-reflection which, on the one hand, had a redeeming effect but, on the other, reinforced inner conflicts.

As many of these case studies illustrated, self-contemplation was more often than not a cause for anxiety, uneasiness and frustration, but at the same time, it also created the possibility for self-awareness and self-expression, and later, for sexual emancipation. Sexual Identity Closely related to the psychological experience of sexuality is its strong link to personal identity, the fifth distinctive characteristic of sexual modernity.

Shifting the focus from a temporary deviation from the norm to a more or less permanent state of being — be it pathological or not — late nineteenth-century psychiatry advanced a paradigm change in the understanding of sexual deviance. Whereas the first was considered as contingent immoral conduct of essentially normal individuals, the latter referred to inevitable and permanent innate characteristics. The psychiatric discourse on sexuality reflected as well as shaped such individual experiences.

Furthermore, it indicated and provoked a growing preoccupation, not only with sexuality as such, but also with the searching scrutiny of the inner life. In nineteenth-century bourgeois society, individual authenticity had become a pre-eminent value and a framework for introspection, self-contemplation and self-expression. Sexuality was privileged as the quintessence of privacy and the individual self.

You might also like: EBOOK GRATIS MERAJUT TAS

The rise of sexual pathology in psychiatry magnified the effects of this need for self-comprehension. Neither psychiatric case histories nor autobiographies are unmediated sources for the voices of the sexual self. Sexual identities crystallised as patterned narratives. As such, their content and form were of a social rather than of a psychological origin. For the materialisation of sexual identity, a cultural model, a script, was necessary.

The genres of the psychiatric case history, in which a diagnosis was made by reconstructing the past life of the patient from the perspective of the present, and of the autobiography, merged seamlessly. Their detailed self-examinations and the belief that their sexual desire and behaviour expressed something deep and fixed from within the inner self were crucial in the development of sexual identity.

Using the respectable forum of medical science, perverts began to voice experiences and desires which, until then, had been unknown or denied existence in public discourses. The sexological writings of Krafft-Ebing and Moll reflected and, simultaneously, also promoted the emergence of a new experience of sexuality that was intrinsically bound up with the appearance of new kinds of individuals and their grouping into rudimentary sub-cultural communities, of which several of their clients, especially homosexuals, testified.

Nevertheless, they are not only a product of psychiatric thinking or the science of sexology, but real in an historical sense. The argument that they are culturally shaped, rather than rooted in a biological or psychological essence, does not mean that they are not more or less stable social and historical realities. Continuity over time, as well as differentiation, something to set oneself off from others, is a basic function of identity formation.

It casts individuals into their own structure of values and priorities, which enables them to make choices in a steady and purposeful fashion. Identity gives the individual self-esteem and a sense of potentiality, and nowadays, it is also the prerequisite for sexual emancipation and citizenship.

In the West, sexual identity is still experienced as an essence that is already there, waiting to be discovered, explored, understood and expressed. Sexologists, psychotherapists, self-help groups and manuals, the mass media, and emancipation movements have only intensified the preoccupation with the true self.

Conclusion The modern sexual order, which I have outlined in the five features discussed above, replaced some basic traditional patterns of sexuality. In traditional, that is collectively and hierarchically structured society, sexuality was largely embedded in a fixed natural and moral order.

As a function of social and moral behaviour, sexuality had no distinct existence but was instrumentally integrated in marriage, reproduction, kinship, fixed gender roles, social status and economic concerns.

Sexual morality was dominated by a reproductive imperative; the crucial differentiation was between legitimate reproductive sex within marriage and immoral acts that interfered with it, such as adultery, sodomy, bestiality or masturbation. In a society in which most people were not individuals in the modern sense, personal sentiment and attraction were of minor importance to the calculus of economic security, sociopolitical interests and familial advantage in choosing a partner.

As such, sexuality became associated with profound and complex human emotions and anxieties. Foucault rightly understood the continuity of nineteenth-century psychiatric interference with sexuality and the present-day craving for self-expression. Both are based on the confessional model that proclaims sexuality to be the key to individual authenticity and identity. It is more than an instrument of professional power and social control. The formation and articulation of sexual identities only became possible in a self-conscious, reflexive bourgeois society in which there was a dialectic between humanitarian reform and emancipation on the one hand, and efforts to enforce social adaptation and integration on the other.

The elaboration of psychological explanations of various sexual tastes at the end of the nineteenth century was advanced by professional psychiatry, as well as by the historical development of individualisation and social democratisation.

The modern understanding and experience of sexuality emerged not just from medical thinking in itself. To believe that a transformation of such magnitude was caused merely by psychiatrists would be overrating their power. They did not so much construct as articulate the modern experience of sexuality. Whereas psychiatry provided a new conceptual framework and new role models, longer-term social and cultural developments had substantially transformed the experience of sexuality in society.

To a large extent, the psychological interpretation of sexuality by psychiatrists and for that matter also by psychoanalysts relied on the self-observations of their articulate clients who were willing and even happy to share their sexual life-stories with them.

Both patients and doctors were agents of culture at large which, in the context of Krafft-Ebing and Moll, was dominated by bourgeois values. Modern sexuality was, and probably still is, very much a middle-class phenomenon. Apart from the institutional developments in psychiatry, changes in the self-understanding of individuals who became its object have to be taken into account, and these can only be explained in the wider sociocultural context.

The modernisation of sexuality involved transformations in the field of individualism, self-reflection and personal identity, as well as changes in the social function of sexuality. Psychiatric explanations of sexuality took shape at the same time as the experience of sexuality in society was transformed and it became a subject for introspection and obsessive self-scrutiny in the bourgeois milieu.

In the context of romantic love that presumed privacy, intimacy and psychic communication, personal emotion and desire gained primacy. In the wake of romantic love and autobiographical self-analysis, sexuality grew into a separate, largely internalised, sphere in human life. Only at that point was it possible for medical and psychological science to define it as a distinct impulse or instinct and to delve into its operation; and only at that point did it become possible to liberate and emancipate sexuality from what people increasingly began to experience as its social suppression.

Furthermore, economic independence, social and geographical mobility and urbanisation were important social conditions for the emergence of sexual identities. These could only come into being when an increasing number of individuals pursued their particular desires as part of their lifestyle, however, not as short-term, random diversions from fixed social roles and family responsibilities, but more on a regular basis. Previously isolated individuals who might have felt their desires to be odd and unique found others with similar preferences within the urban environment.

For the members of the upper and middle classes, capitalism entailed not only increasing opportunities to enter into free economic relations with other individuals but also, as living standards rose from the end of the nineteenth century, to place more stress on individual choice, taste and pleasure. It was in this context of an emerging capitalist consumer culture and a democratising civil society that sexual desire became significant in a new way.

Rosario ed. Eder, Lesley A. Klemperer eds , Die deutsche Klinik am Eingang des Jahrhunderts in akademischen Vorlesungen, Vol. Gugl and A. Stichl eds , 12th edn Stuttgart: Enke, See also Oosterhuis, op.

Der Hypnotismus. Kornfeld; Kornfeld, Some historical studies, however, suggest that the disciplining effects of medical interference with sexuality may have been overemphasised.

However, psychiatric theories, not least those of Krafft-Ebing and Moll, were far from static and coherent: their work embodied several ambiguities and contradictions. It cannot be regarded only as a disqualification of sexual aberration. Their publications were open to divergent meanings, and contemporaries — among them many of their patients, correspondents and informants — have indeed read them in different ways.

Since Krafft-Ebing and Moll presented themselves as impartial, as well as humanitarian experts, and argued against traditional moral—religious and legal denunciations of sexual deviance as sin and crime, individuals approached them to find understanding, acceptance and support. Several of their patients and correspondents suggested that their works, which were illustrated with numerous case histories, were an eye-opener and had brought them relief. These publications not only satisfied curiosity about sexuality and made sexual variance imaginable, but might also be viewed as an endorsement of non-conformist desires and behaviours.

The case histories, which included many auto- biographical accounts, letters and intimate confessions of perverts, revealed to readers that such sexual experiences were not unique. Rather, their life stories played an important role in the production of knowledge on sexuality. Both Krafft-Ebing and Moll, the first even more than the last, relied on information from their patients and correspondents as an empirical basis for their theoretical considerations.

What is striking in their work is that not all of the cases were forced into the straitjacket of psychiatric theory. By publishing letters and autobiographical accounts that were submitted more or less voluntarily, and by quoting statements of perverts ad verbatim, Krafft-Ebing and Moll enabled voices to be heard that were usually silenced.

The psychiatric understanding of perversions moved between scientific labelling and control on the one hand, and the realisation of self-awareness and self-expression on the other. Whether the scale tipped to one side or the other depended to a large extent on the social position and gender of their clients.

Description

However, many aristocratic and bourgeois men, who had contacted Krafft-Ebing of their own accord as private patients or corresponded with him because they had recognised themselves in published case histories, were given ample opportunity to speak for themselves. Moreover, Moll was working as a forensic expert, he was in close touch with the chief of the Berlin vice squad and he seems to have been quite familiar with the homosexual subculture in Berlin.

The casual tone of the letter suggests that Moll and Krafft-Ebing corresponded and exchanged information about their case studies on a regular basis.

They capitalised on the psychiatric model in order to explain and to justify themselves. Many of them, homosexuals in particular, referred to the psychiatric model for their own purposes to mitigate feelings of guilt, to part with the charge of immorality and illegality, to give perversion the stamp of naturalness, and to develop a dialogue about their nature and social situation. Moll warned, therefore, that the physician had to be careful in using them — for example, by verifying the information on the basis of well-directed and detailed questioning.

At the same time, however, he underlined that it was important to inspire the confidence of perverts and that their stories were crucial for understanding perversion. It fluctuated between the explanation of perversions as illness, and the recognition of a variety of sexual desires.

The case histories and their social and cultural settings make clear that medical knowledge of sexuality could only have an impact because it was embedded in society. It was constituted in a process of social interaction between physicians, who professionally shaped perversion as a psychiatric field, and perverts, who contemplated on and expressed themselves. On the other hand, sexual modernity was more than a reaction against traditional and, especially, Victorian prohibitions and, as such, an ideology of sexual liberation.

The first concerns the conceptualisation of sexuality as an inevitable and powerful natural force in human life. The second is about the way sexual desires are differentiated and classified.

The third refers to the shift from the procreative norm to the pleasure, as well as the relational dimension, of sexuality.

The fourth relates to the psychological understanding and experience of sexual behaviour. The fifth centres on the close connection between sexuality and personal identity.

Sexuality as an Inevitable, Natural Force Krafft-Ebing and Moll heralded a new approach to sexuality, not only because they transferred it from the realm of sin and crime to the domain of health and illness, but even more because they made clear that sexual passion was an essential part of human nature. The first characteristic of sexual modernity is the notion that sexuality is a powerful, continuous, compulsive and irresistible force in human life, which is dangerous as well as wholesome, and with which everybody has to come to terms.

Following the biological argument of Charles Darwin, Krafft-Ebing believed that self-preservation and sexual gratification were fundamental human instincts. This was in line with current biomedical thinking on sexuality.

Giving oneself up to uncontrolled impulses was considered dangerous for the health of the individual as well as that of society. Sexuality, therefore, had to be repressed by social constraints and self-control.

Echoing the typical nineteenth-century model of the closed energy system, the male sexual drive was conceptualised as a powerful physiological force that builds up from inside the body until it is released in orgasm. In the introduction to Psychopathia sexualis, Krafft-Ebing wrote that the nature of sexuality was significant for the whole existence of the individual, the family and social and cultural life, and therefore deserved serious study.

Moll echoed this claim. In subjective experience, the sexual act was not only accompanied by sensual pleasure, but also by responses of a social and ethical nature.

For Krafft-Ebing and Moll, love, as a social bond, was inherently sexual, and they tended to value the longing for physical and psychological union with a partner as a purpose in itself. In the descriptions of sexual activities, as they appeared in their case studies, the still-prevailing reproductive norm was pushed into the background. Among the symptoms of sexual anaesthesia was not only a lack of sexual desire, but even more a lack of altruistic feelings.

The first referred to the sexual act and was aimed at discharge and mere physical satisfaction; the second to attraction to another individual: the impulse to think about a real or imagined partner, as well as to touch, feel, fondle or kiss him or her. Moll assumed that both sexual instincts had originated in evolution and that Contrectation, the love impulse and preference for a specific partner, had developed after Detumescenz.

In individual development, however, either impulse could emerge first, and both often manifested themselves well before puberty.

Sexual Modernity in the Works of Richard von Krafft-Ebing and Albert Moll

In our culture, sexual satisfaction, together with the ideals of partnership, is indeed closely related to how we define personal well-being and happiness. As is true of the work of Freud, that of Krafft-Ebing and Moll is permeated with a huge dilemma.

On the one hand, the human is inevitably driven by sexual urges and their suppression may cause nervous and mental complaints. On the other hand, it is impossible to freely give way to lust because, as an irrational and transgressing force it is simultaneously a great threat to social life and may also cause personal distress.

During the sexual revolution of the s and s, sexuality was generally considered as innocent, pleasurable and wholesome. Although Krafft-Ebing and Moll also paid attention to voyeurism, exhibitionism, bestiality, paedophilia, gerontophilia, nymphomania, necrophilia, urolagnia, coprolagnia and several other sexual varieties, they distinguished four fundamental forms of perversion.

Both of the terms homosexuality and heterosexuality, which had been introduced in by Karl Maria Kertbeny but were not in current use during the late nineteenth century, were reintroduced by Krafft-Ebing as well as by Moll around Sadism, masochism, inversion and fetishism were not only categories of perversion but also concepts that described extremes on a graded scale of normality and abnormality, and which explained aspects of normal sexuality.

Krafft-Ebing explained, for example, that sadism and masochism were inherent in normal male and female sexuality, the former being of an active and aggressive and the latter of a passive and submissive nature. The extensive discussion of several forms of physical and mental inversion — often connected to homosexuality and what they called psychosexual hermaphroditism and what we now consider as bisexuality — highlighted the gradual and chance character of sex differentiation and signalled that exclusive masculinity and femininity might be mere abstractions.

Whereas earlier Krafft-Ebing had tended to identify inversion with degeneration, in the mids, the concept of sexual intermediacy was grounded in contemporary embryological research and in evolutionary thinking, which suggested that the early state of the human embryo, as well as primitive forms of life, were characterised by sexual indifference. Man appeared to be of a bisexual origin from a phylo- as well as an ontogenetic perspective.

Furthermore, he attributed various forms of inversion to a disturbance in normal monosexual development. He ceased to make hard distinctions between normal and abnormal mental states as well as sexualities, holding that — in the fashion of experimental physiology — only quantitative differences along a scale of infinite variations could be made. In his Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie auf klinischer Grundlage [Textbook of Clinical Psychiatry] he wrote that the elements which constituted psychopathology were basically the same as those of healthy life and that only the conditions under which they developed differed.

Although perversions were frequently accompanied by hereditary taints and nervous or hysterical disturbances — which, as he admitted, could also be a consequence of the psychosocial situation of perverts — Moll did not qualify them as mental disorders.

Rather, perversions should be viewed as morbid-like krankhafte modifications of the normal sexual drive. Drafting a complete catalogue of all existing human sexual perversions was a difficult task, according to Moll, because the specificity of individual preferences was boundless. This shift meant that he focused increasingly on the dichotomy of heterosexuality and homosexuality as the basic sexual categories.

His use of the term heterosexual, meaning sexual attraction between a male and a female free from a reproductive goal — and as such initially considered as a perversion — marked a shift away from the procreative norm.

In one of his last publications on sexual perversion he identified other perversions as derived sub-variations of the more fundamental hetero—homosexual division. In theory, such a fetishist framework for classifying sexualities would also have been possible.

Psychopathia Sexualis by R. von Krafft-Ebing

This could have been an object, a specific body part, a certain act or physical type, a person of the same sex, an unusual age category, or an animal. Among the innovations that Moll introduced was the acknowledgement of frequent sexual activities in childhood and the argument for their normalcy.

The normalcy of infantile sexual behaviour, according to Moll, should be understood in the context of psychosexual development, in which the transition in puberty from an undifferentiated to a differentiated stage was crucial. The majority of young people would eventually manifest a heterosexual, and only a minority of them a homosexual or bisexual desire. Apart from a basic congenital predisposition, the triggers of perversion, Moll argued, could be found in factors that obstructed the transformation of perverse infantile inclinations into normal heterosexuality at the time of puberty.

He questioned the causal role of congenital degeneration as well as the idea that perversion was merely acquired by psychological association or seduction. In this way, Moll stressed that human sexuality was fundamentally different from and much more complicated than that of animals: the development of culture had interfered with and inhibited the natural instincts of man.

Voluptuousness was the primal goal of human sexuality, Moll claimed, and this, together with the love impulse, distinguished man from animals. Since he tended to value the affective longing for physical and psychological union with a partner as a purpose in itself, the exclusive reproductive norm became problematic. Stressing that both love without sexuality and sexual pleasure without love were incomplete, Krafft-Ebing — arguing within the context of the ideal of romantic love — began to replace negative attitudes towards sexuality by a positive evaluation.

By the end of his life Krafft-Ebing was inclined to think that homosexuality was the equivalent of heterosexuality and therefore not a psychoneuropathic degenerative illness. Many homosexuals who had expressed themselves in his case histories had made clear that partnership was as important to them as sexual gratification. Other perversions, such as fetishism, masochism and sadism, however, could in themselves hardly be geared towards romantic love as this ideal was based on intimacy, equality, reciprocity and psychic communication.

In the context of romantic love, sexuality went hand-in-hand with privacy, as opposed to sex in public, and also with a psychological understanding of the self. The Psychological Understanding of Sexuality The modern meaning of sexuality came to the fore when the dominant physiological approach was superseded by a more psychological one.

As far as the term was applied to human life, it was viewed in relation to the fact that an individual belonged to the male or female sex. Sex difference was explained in relation to the body: the decisive benchmarks for the evaluation of sex and gender were the genitals, secondary sexual characteristics, and functional potency with a normally constituted member of the opposite sex.

Physicians generally tried to integrate their explanations of sexual perversion in current biomedical thinking and many of them, following Darwinism and research into embryological development, emphasised heredity, in a phylogenetic as well as in an ontogenetic sense, and degeneration as key causal factors.

Late nineteenth-century psychiatric explanations of perversion began to shift from a biomedical perspective stressing physical features, to one that placed more weight on the psychological aspects of the sexual instinct.

Before Freud, psychiatrists had already begun to turn the discussion away from explaining sexuality as a series of interrelated physiological events to a more psychological understanding. In their view, perversion was not so much rooted in physical, as in so-called functional disorders.

In this new psychiatric style of reasoning, perversions were disorders of an instinct that could not be precisely located in the body.

Open Library

However, their perspective on the whole cannot be characterised as biological. On the one hand, in their general explanation, they both located the sexual drive in the nervous system and the brain and understood the underlying causes of perversion as heredity.

But on the other hand, in daily clinical practice, these causes were not very relevant for their approach to perversion. Their case studies centred not so much on bodily characteristics as on personal history, subjective experience, and inner feelings: perception, emotional life, dreams, imagination and fantasies. For the greater part they had to judge from what perverts were telling them. This was the reason why auto- biographical accounts gained such an importance in their work.

Around , when Krafft-Ebing introduced fetishism, sadism and masochism in his Psychopathia sexualis and his Neue Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Psychopathia sexualis [New Research into Psychopathia Sexualis], his explanatory focus clearly shifted from a physiological to a more psychological understanding — not so much were bodily characteristics or actual behaviour decisive in the diagnosis of perversion, but inner feelings and personal history.

Consequently, he located the seat of sexual desire in the personality. It was the psychological attitude behind outward appearance and behaviour that counted as the defining criterion of contrary sexual feeling, sadism, masochism and fetishism. As Krafft-Ebing explained, certain mental stimuli, such as fantasies, prevented the spontaneous physiological process that supposedly characterised normal sexuality from taking its course.

Later, however, he also drew attention to the decisive role of the mind in the development of sexuality in general. He considered normal sexual functioning as more than just the physical ability to have intercourse.Furthermore, he attributed various forms of inversion to a disturbance in normal monosexual development.

What is striking in their work is that not all of the cases were forced into the straitjacket of psychiatric theory. Their publications were open to divergent meanings, and contemporaries — among them many of their patients, correspondents and informants — have indeed read them in different ways.

The second is about the way sexual desires are differentiated and classified. In his Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie auf klinischer Grundlage [Textbook of Clinical Psychiatry] he wrote that the elements which constituted psychopathology were basically the same as those of healthy life and that only the conditions under which they developed differed.

On the other hand, sexual modernity was more than a reaction against traditional and, especially, Victorian prohibitions and, as such, an ideology of sexual liberation. Sexuality as an Inevitable, Natural Force Krafft-Ebing and Moll heralded a new approach to sexuality, not only because they transferred it from the realm of sin and crime to the domain of health and illness, but even more because they made clear that sexual passion was an essential part of human nature.

MYRLE from Bel Air
I enjoy reading books scarcely . Look through my other articles. I'm keen on red rover.
>